The Life of Saint Sava of Vatopedi by Christ of Salo (Part 1)

The Life of Saint Sava[1] It is the most remarkable work of the late Byzantine period and certainly the crowning achievement of the works[2] of Philotheos. It is a rich and lucid work, written by Philotheos after much preparation, care and research.

The starting point for writing the Life was the great love and immense admiration that Philotheos had for the saint. The idea of ​​writing this work had been intensely preoccupying his mind for a long time.[3]. At the same time, however, it seems that he hesitated to undertake such a large undertaking, because he was not sure whether he had the corresponding strength and the required time. However, he eventually overcame these hesitations and his "proud desire" for Savvas prevailed. After all, he believed that the publication of this work would be a "common benefit", because the saint was a "teaching of reason and virtue"[4].

a) The sources of Bios.

Philotheos lived near Savvas for a relatively short time.[5] and for this reason it was necessary to supplement his knowledge of the saint's life from other sources.

For Savvas' first years on Mount Athos, Philotheos gathered information from fellow ascetics of the saint, who had known him personally and were still alive when he wrote the Life.[6]. The author was informed about the adventures and wanderings of Savvas in the Holy Lands by “good and honorable men, witnesses of virtue and truth.” Philotheos communicated with these people and with the disciples of the saint before and after Savvas’s death.[7]In general, he tried to gather information from "those well-informed, well-spoken, and truthful people."[8].

However, Philotheos's main and most valuable source for the Life of Saint Savvas was an old friend of his, a monk from the monastery of Vatopedi. The monk, who is not named, did not initially belong to the group of Savvas' disciples. However, when he got to know him better, he devoted himself to him wholeheartedly.[9] and served him until his death. This monk entrusted to Philotheos his experiences and knowledge from his continuous association with Savvas, who, Philotheos says, "this is also to the disciple, about whom he spoke with grace about the useful consequences of life and many of whom he knew more than others, and he is also most worthy and prominent in testimony to his own many, that is, in measure, as I think, I am the fourth of those who are well-known to him."[10]These confessions of Savvas formed the basis of the Life.[11].

In addition to the information he gathered from these sources, Philotheos had personally met Savvas at the monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos.[12]At that time, Philotheos had just become a monk and Savvas had recently returned to Athos after a twenty-year absence.[13]Philotheos remembers his acquaintance with Savvas with great emotion. He especially recalls with nostalgia the experiences of his coexistence and association with the saint, and indeed the miraculous events, to which he himself was an "eyewitness" and "hearer"[14]. From then on he became a flourishing disciple of Savvas and recognized him as his spiritual guide. The saint became for Philotheos the “loving father”, who accepted him unconditionally with all his love, and guided him to virtue, “a harbor of eternal refreshment and a voiced and silent exhortation”[15]The two men were connected by deep friendship, love and became like-minded and "innate"[16].

Philotheos, as he now had the absolute trust of Savvas, could listen to the spiritual revelations from the wealth of the saint's experiences.[17]. Such an incident remained indelibly in the memory of Philotheos. On the feast of the Transfiguration, Savvas wanted to reveal to Philotheos something of the mystery of the theophany, of which he was a partaker. With certain characteristic details, which show the deep bond between the two men, Philotheos describes this scene with particular vividness: “On the day of the despotic transfiguration, we were celebrating… I put my lips to them as if to embalm them, so that he might see and be touched, ‘into this mystery in secret,’ he said, ‘oh best, come and see him who is hurrying towards evangelical perfection.’” As for me, I am astonished at the word, and I turn my eyes towards that holy sight, if anything clearer can be said about it... I saw the sight so glorified and filled with joy and brilliance, as if they had just then partaken of that divine vision and transfiguration."[18].

Thus, Philotheos, for the writing of the Life, does not depend only on the sources we mentioned, but also has his own experiences, which he cites with particular satisfaction.[19].

b) The "foolishness" of Saint Savvas.

Savvas at times pretended to be a "baby" and for this reason he is included in the group of saints called "the Saloi for Christ". The subject of these saints is large and complex.[20]We will limit ourselves here to formulating a few basic positions regarding the "foolishness" of Savvas, as Philotheos interprets it.

First of all, we must note that Philotheos categorically distinguishes Savvas from almost all the “Salos for Christ”. That is why he does not use the well-known terms “salotis” and “salos” for Savvas, but the Pauline terms “moria” and “moros”. Savvas’ “moria”, Philotheos emphasizes, was prudent and philosophical without scandalous and highly provocative pranks or often seemingly indecent acts, which are characteristically found in the Lives of the well-known Salas. Savvas was peaceful, “steady and full of content” and behaved towards everyone with seriousness and grace.[21].

The Life of the saint emphasizes with particular emphasis the inextricable link between “foolishness” and silence. This is of particular importance and constitutes a new element. The “foolishness” of the Salas was usually manifested in paradoxical and controversial acts with the main aim of offending conventional morality and the ecclesiastical establishment, which had lost its charismatic dimension. As was to be expected, such acts created violent reactions, noise, commotion and strong scandalization in many believers.

On the contrary, the "hesychastic folly" of Savvas did not resort to such provocative actions nor did it seek sharpness. Thus, the "folly" of the saint seemed to many not as madness, but rather as a harmless stupidity, as dementia. Therefore, while the paradoxical actions of the Salas often amused or scandalized the people and made them laugh or indignant, the behavior of the "baby" Savvas moved pity and sympathy for an unhappy man.

Savvas was able to do this because he could organically connect "foolishness" with charismatic silence. He believed that "foolishness" without this silence is dangerous, because it ends in real foolishness, while he who wanted to use it to mock worldly vanity ends up mocking himself.[22]. Without silence, therefore, the danger for those who want to pretend to be “a fool for Christ” is “lest they mock the enemies who supposedly attempted, and then end up mocking and mocking themselves… He was right… if he ever approached silence without the latter, he would indeed follow this path”[23].

It seems, however, that Philotheos, like other ecclesiastical writers[24], had many reservations about the "for Christ's sake" Salous, from whom he had difficulty accepting "one who and a second who"[25], obviously meaning the Foolish Saints Symeon and Andrew. For this reason he emphasizes that it is dangerous to try to achieve perfection by acting foolish.[26].

But why does Philotheos insist so much on this issue and point out the dangers that folly for Christ entails and why does he so emphatically want to guard the faithful from such a possibility? Had there been some alarming spread of this phenomenon in his time? Moreover, did the insecurity and anxiety, which were inevitable experiences for the subjects of a collapsing empire, and which were exacerbated by social, ecclesiastical and political upheavals, encourage some opportunists to pretend to be the Salians?

Whatever the answers to these questions, what is certain is that Philotheos, when he develops the theme of "foolishness", confesses that he wanted to extol the glory of Savvas. More generally, however, he emphasizes that feigned foolishness a) does not constitute a "law of an excellent state", b) disorients man's attention and c) prevents him from perceiving true virtue.[27].

The basic differences between the "foolishness" of Savvas and the "foolishness" of the classical Christ Halls can be summarized in the following points:

a) Savvas' "foolishness" was not manifested in oddities, provocative acts and jokes, but mainly in silence.

b) Savvas did not resort to "stupidity" constantly, but periodically[28].

c) Savvas' "foolishness" was not only aimed at his humiliation and mockery of human vanity, but in some cases — such as in Latin-occupied Cyprus — it also had a confessional character.[29].

c) The time of writing of the Life.

The Life of Saint Sava was written after the end of the civil war of 1341-1347.[30]Philotheos was metropolitan of Heraklion and relative calm prevailed in ecclesiastical affairs, although some followers of Akindyn were still making noise.[31].

In particular, when Philotheos refers to the political situation at the time of the writing of the Life, he highlights "the now established unity of the kingdom"[32]John VI Kantakouzenos co-reigns "after much consensual intercourse with his son and reigns" and everyone enjoys the benefits of "the friendly relations and the common consensual intercourse"[33].

This "unanimity" implies the period of time that Kantakouzenos and his son-in-law John V Palaiologos agreed upon, that is, from February 8, 1347 to April 1353. [34]It was during this period that Philotheos must have first written the Life of Saint Savvas.

However, we can determine the time of writing of the Life more precisely by analyzing two internal testimonies:

a) At the age of eighteen, Savvas left his parental home in Thessaloniki to become a monk on Mount Athos.[35], where he practiced asceticism for seven years[36]In 1308, due to the unrest caused by the Catalan raids in Macedonia and especially in the area of ​​Thessaloniki, he departed for the Holy Land.[37], that is, when he turned twenty-five years old. Therefore, the saint was born in (1308-25=) 1283[38].

In March 1342, he reluctantly agreed to participate in the Athonite embassy to end the civil war of 1341-1347, after having prophesied its failure. Philotheos, commenting on the event, notes that Savvas “… having foretold these things, after a year, I am seven years old, and seeing the desired peace of the kingdom and the holy church and the favorable changes, for which he had often spoken and foretold to his friends in secret, this blessed life changes.”[39], "beyond the age of the patriarchal father"[40].

Therefore, according to these calculations, Savvas died approximately seven years after the departure of the Athonite embassy for Constantinople, that is, in (1342+7=) 1349.

The Festugiere[41] accepts 1348 as the time of the saint's death, because he places the prophecy concerning the death of Savvas[42] in 1341. However, from the text of Bios[43] It seems that this prophecy was made shortly before the departure of the Athonite embassy from Mount Athos (March 23, 1342) for Constantinople. The saint, according to this calculation, died in (1341+7=) 1348.

Perhaps Festugiere was influenced by the "same" in his calculations to determine the year of the saint's death.[44], who did not understand it as a local, but as a temporal adverb and therefore observes[45]: "... it is also said that Sabas prophesied that he would die at that very moment (this very moment changes life...)". Festugiere's calculations are supported by the information that after the failure of the Athonite embassy and its return (Autumn of 1342) to Mount Athos, Sabbas settled in the monastery of Christ of Chora.[46], where he spent the last six years of his life[47]. Therefore, according to this calculation, which is perhaps safer, Savvas died in (1342+6=) 1348 and in all probability in the winter of that year or at the beginning of 1349.

b) In the Life, Philotheos expresses himself with great pessimism about his personal issues. He faces "the diverse identity of the war dynasty"[48], which had the consequence of making his life "disgusting and painful"[49]He then realizes that from being first he has become "last" and that the only hope left to him is the help of the saint, who will provide "the solution as quickly as possible."[50] from the impasse he is living in and the uncertainty that plagues him[51].

We think that these passages reflect the intense bitterness and disappointment that Philotheos experienced as metropolitan of Heraklion, from the reaction he encountered there, mainly from the officials. He himself describes in the darkest colors the great difficulties he encountered in Heraklion and sets out the reasons that forced him to resign from his position. “However, these and many others are even worse than before… difficult”[52], Philotheos retired to a remote monastery near Heraclea and prepared for his final departure. Savvas had also practiced asceticism in this monastery before settling in the monastery of Diomedes in Constantinople.

While he stayed there, Philotheos had the time to write such an extensive work as this Life. Moreover, the intense desire he had long had to write the Life of Sava would have been strengthened by the fact that he lived in a place where the saint had practiced asceticism before him.

Of course, we should not overlook the psychological state of Philotheos at this stage of his life, which was filled with bitterness and uncertainty. In such a situation, it was very natural for him to look back with nostalgia on the happier days, full of peace and spiritual fulfillment, that he lived close to Savvas in the first years of his solitary life. It was a time when he had no administrative responsibilities and worries, which inevitably wear down and exhaust every genuine spiritual person.

In April 1350, Philotheos had decided definitively to abandon his metropolis and take refuge in Constantinople. He carried out this decision during the Holy Week of Easter 1350.[53]Shortly afterwards, on October 23, 1351, the Genoese captured Heraklion.[54].

Based on these observations, we accept in principle that the Life of Savvas was written in the period from the time of the saint's death until Philotheos' departure from his see before the fall of Heraklion, that is, from the second half of 1349 until Easter 1350.

However, in the Life there are certain indications that allow us to formulate hypotheses regarding the place, the more precise time and the incidents associated with the recitation of this hagiological work. Such indications are the following.

a) The Life of Savvas has a formal, celebratory and triumphal character. The humble saint does not converse only with the common people, but also with kings, princes, patriarchs, who honor him and seek his advice. However, the personality and work of John VI Kantakouzenos and his close relationship with the saint are particularly highlighted.[55]The contribution of Kantakouzenos to the triumph of Orthodoxy and the condemnation of the anti-Palamites is also emphasized.[56]Finally, there is a pervasive sense of optimism in Bios for the good outcome of political and ecclesiastical affairs and the good of peace is extolled.[57].

b) In the Bios there is a strong aversion and condemnation of the attitude of the Zealots in Thessaloniki, who are described in the darkest colors, especially their leader Andreas Palaiologos.[58]. Savvas is often shown expressing his disgust for their crimes. In general, the Life presents the Zealots as “evil and hostile to the kingdom of God, and of God and of his church, obviously traitors and apostates, and some of them filthy and corrupt and common stinkers of the human race…, who, on the pretext of evil zeal, tyrannically seized them, committing heinous murders and other kinds of bloodshed, not only in Thessaloniki, but also in almost all the territory under the Romans”[59].

c) There is an extensive eulogy of Thessaloniki, the birthplace of the saint. In this eulogy, the happiness and enviable state of the city are contrasted with the sad situation created by the attitude of the Zealots.[60]Savvas shows intense interest in the city's suffering, and the Thessalonians show their love and respect for him in every way.[61].

From these indications we first observe an increased interest in Thessaloniki and its problems, which would allow us to assume that this Life must have been spoken in Thessaloniki. Moreover, in the passage of Life 28, verse 22 e.[62] It seems that of the two places where the Life could have been uttered, namely Thessaloniki and Mount Athos, all indications converge in favor of Thessaloniki.

Since the Life was written in Herakleia from the second half of 1349 until Easter 1350 and was recited in Thessaloniki, then we must look for an official festive event that took place in this city during this period. This event, according to the indications we mentioned above, would have involved the presence of members of the royal family or representatives of John VI Kantakouzenos, celebrations for the recent crushing of the Zealots' position, and finally a satisfaction with the prevalence of the orthodox teaching of Gregory Palamas and the condemnation of Akindynnos.[63].

From what we know, one such festive event in Thessaloniki during this period was the enthronement of Gregory Palamas to the metropolitan throne of the city.[64], which coincided with the suppression of the Zealots by Kantakouzenos at the end of 1350[65].

It therefore seems that Palamas was accompanied by Philotheos of Thessalonica when he arrived in Thessaloniki to officially assume his pastoral duties after the subjugation of the Zealots by Kantakouzenos.[66]On this occasion it is likely that Philotheos delivered the Life of Savvas, which reflects the situation in the city at the time of Palamas' enthronement and expresses the author's views on Kantakouzenos and hesychasm.

References:

1. BHG 1606, vol. 2, p. 227. In the codex of Agias Annes 4 (Ath. 85), 19th century, p. 339 the following is noted: “October 4th, the transfer of the holy relic of our holy father Savvas of Vatopedi, of Myripnou”. See Sp. Lambrou, Catalog…, vol. 1, ibid., p. 11 and Gerasimos, “Category”, ibid., p. 126.

2. See Tsami, “Agiology”, p. 9 f.

3. See Life of Saint Savvas 84, Hagiological Studies, p. 322, verses 7-9: “Many of these and inexpressible passions had filled my soul with love for the writing of this story, and my thoughts could not rest for a moment, for I was already born with this good thing.”

4. Ibid. 84, ibid., p. 322 f., verse 14 f. See ibid. 57, ibid., p. 269, verses 44-57; 84, ibid., p. 324; verses 80-82.

5. Ibid. 6, ibid., p. 171, verses 15-16: “… he recognized this light and guide, and to be with him to the end - to avoid harm - envy was due.

6. Ibid. 8, ibid., p. 174, verses 9-13.

7. Ibid. 51, Hagiologika, p. 259, verses 43 and 47, ibid., p. 249, verse 1.

8. Ibid. 1, ibid., p. 162, verses 34-35.

9. Ibid. 66, ibid., p. 289, verses 85-87: “… all of him is added to that and is connected by unbreakable bonds of friendship and familiarity, rather a friend of the former being, and from that he becomes a son and a disciple.”

10. Ibid. 52, ibid., p. 261, verses 49-54.

11. See ibid. 66, ibid., p. 289, verses 87-92. See also ibid. 16, ibid., p. 188, verses 16-18; 83, ibid., p. 321, verses 4 and 23; 75, ibid., p. 308, verse 15; 64, ibid., p. 284, verse 48

12. See ibid. 6, ibid., p. 171, verse 13; 59, ibid., p. 272, verse 1.

13. Ibid. 59, ibid., p. 272 ​​f., verse 1 f.; 25, ibid., p. 210, verse 25 f.

14. Ibid. 57, ibid., p. 269, verses 44-51.

15. Ibid. 59, Hagiologika, p. 273, verses 9-14. The saint showed special love for Philotheos and distinguished him from his other disciples.

16. Ibid. 59, Ibid., p. 273, verses 18-22.

17. Ibid. 24, Ibid., p. 208, verses 58-59. See Ibid. 25, Ibid., p. 209, verses 9-10.

18. Ibid. 35, Ibid., p. 228 f., verses 3-17. See also Ibid. 73, Ibid., p. 304, verse 66 f.; 81, Ibid., p. 319, verse 26 f.; 83, Ibid., p. 322, verse 32; 25, Ibid., p. 210, verse 31.

19. Philotheos wants to believe that the Life is dictated by the saint. That is why he states that he follows his sources, but gives weight to what “he himself guides or even directs the word and what is said if it is true” (ibid. 1, ibid., p. 162, verses 35-36). The only one truly capable, says Philotheos, of narrating the things of the saint would be the saint himself. So it is the voice of Savvas that Philotheos seeks to hear, who gives "his hand MONASTERY to a ministry according to duty" (ibid. 45, ibid., p. 247, verses 85-92), and receives guidance from the saint "through nightly visions" (ibid. 83, ibid., p. 322, verses 38-40).

20. See, for example, Fedotov, op. cit., pp. 316-343; G. Mantzaridis, “The Fools for “Christ's Sake” in the Hagiological Works of Saint Philotheos”, Proceedings of the Theological Conference in Honor of… Philotheos, Archbishop of Constantinople…, Thessaloniki 1986, pp. 87-97 and the studies mentioned below by J. Saward (note 26), A.-J. Festugiere and L. Ryden (note 38) and A. Syrkin, “On the Behavior of the “Fool for Christ's Sake””, History of Religions 22(1982) 150-171.

21. Ibid. 22, ibid., p. 201, verses 9-14. See the vivid description of the saint, ibid. 28, ibid., p. 214, verses 12-21: “He was also most cheerful in spirit and most gentle and gracious in appearance; for… he was not… merciless in the past and unfriendly…, but… he was apparently sociable and approachable and was a complete delight of the soul and a delight of the face and those eyes, so that it happened that the filter was made to him and all the sick were miraculously reborn in him with those days of love.” See also ibid. 5, ibid., p. 169, verses 24-37.

22. See on this subject Ibid. 19, ibid., p. 195; verses 18-19.

23. Ibid. 25, verses 20-23. See also 25, verses 5-6; 54, verses 5-6. Cf. P. Magdalino, “The Byzantine Holy Man in the Twelfth Century”, The Byzantine Saint, London 1981, pp. 59-60 and J. Grosdidier de Matons, “Les themes d' edification dans la Vie d' Andre Salos”, TM 4 (1970) 280 e. 300 and Leontius of Naples, Life of Symeon of Salos, PG 93, 1074D: “See, Symeon, lest the devil mock you at will…”.

24. See Symeon the New Theologian, Catechism 28, SC 113, pp. 156-158; Katakalon Kekaumenos, Strategikon 155, ed. B. Wassiliewski, V. Jernstedt, Petropoli 1896, p. 63; Balsamon, Canons of the Fathers gathered in Troullo, Canon X', PG 137, 716D f., and Life of Saint Savvas, Hagiological Studies, p. 196, note 158. It is worth noting that Philotheos, in his Memoir to Saint Nicodemus, which was one of his first works, accepted at that time without reservations the phenomenon of "for Christ" foolishness.

25. Life of Saint Savvas 23, ibid., p. 203, verses 12-13.

26. Ibid. 22. Cf. J. Saward, Perfect Fools, Oxford 1980, pp. 212-214.

27. Life of Saint Savvas 25, ibid., p. 210, verses 31-40.

28. In the same category belong certain other “fools,” such as Basil the Younger (BHG 263-264 f., vol. 1, pp. 93-94), Symeon the Pious, Cyril of Phileotes (BHG 468-468e, vol. 1, p. 143) and others. See Ryden, “The Holy Fool,” op. cit., p. 111.

29. See Life of Saint Savvas 24, Hagiologika, p. 206 f., verse 1 f. and ibid. 21, ibid., p. 198 f. Saward, (Perfect Fools, pp. 25-30) distinguishes nine common characteristics in the well-known “Salous”.

30. See ibid. 75, ibid., p. 308, verses 7-9; 74, ibid., p. 306, verses 39 f.; 71, ibid., p. 298, verses 1 f.; 67, p. 290, verses 20 f.; 75, p. 307 f., verses 1 f.; 69, ibid., p. 295; verses 53 f. and 68, ibid., p. 306, verses 30-32.

31. Ibid. 72, ibid., p. 300, verse 28; 84, ibid., p. 323, verses 36-37. Philotheos is called “leader of the Church” (ibid. 84, ibid., p. 324, verse 62). Gregory the Theologian uses this title for Basil the Great. See Logos 43, 28, PG 36, 533C. Philotheos, from being a hieromonk on Mount Athos, was called and became metropolitan of Heraklion.

32. Life of Saint Savvas 69, ibid., pp. 293 and 295, verses 5-6 and 54-55.

33. Ibid. 75, Hagiologika, p. 307 f., verses 1-10. The term “homophrosyni” is also used by Nikephoros Gregoras [History 15, 11 (2, p. 788), verse 8], when referring to the co-reign of John VI Kantakouzenos and John V Palaiologos. It was also agreed that the two co-emperors would have a father-son relationship [John Kantakouzenos, History 3, 100 (2, p. 614), verse 16 f.].

34. In April 1353, John VI Kantakouzenos' son Matthew Kantakouzenos was proclaimed co-emperor with him. Matthew was crowned in February 1354 by the new patriarch Philotheos after the forced removal of Callistos in November 1353, because he refused to perform this coronation, so as not to infringe on the rights of John V Palaiologos.

35. Life of Saint Savvas 6, ibid., p. 170, verses 6-7.

36. Ibid. 13, ibid., p. 182, verse 1.

37. Ibid. 13, ibid., p. 183, verse 12 e.

38. See Festugiere, Ryden, Leontios de Neapolis, op. cit., pp. 225 and 231.

39. Life of Saint Savvas 67, Hagiological, p. 291 f., verses 76-80.

40. Ibid. 83, ibid., p. 322, verses 31-32.

41. Festugiere, Ryden, ibid., pp. 227-231.

42. Life of Saint Savvas 67, ibid., p. 291, verse 62.

43. Ibid. 67, ibid., p. 290 f., verses 20-80.

44. Ibid. 67, ibid., p. 292, verse 79.

45. Festugiere, Ryden, op. cit., p. 229, note 1.

46. ​​Life of Saint Savvas 69, note 512.

47. Life of Saint Savvas 70, ibid., p. 295 f., verse 1 f.

48. Life of Saint Savvas 59, ibid., p. 273, verses 31-32. See also ibid. 85, ibid., p. 325, verses 4-5.

49. Ibid. 59, ibid., p. 273, verse 20; ibid. 83, ibid., p. 322, verse 37.

50. Ibid. 59, Hagiologika, p. 273 f., verses 23 and 38.

51. Ibid. 85, ibid., p. 324 f., verses 1-9; ibid. 84, ibid., p. 322 f., verse 11 f.; ibid. 57, ibid., p. 269 f., verse 52 f. It is noteworthy and indicative for the dating of the Life that Philotheos uses in this context (ibid. 59, verse 42) the passage of Gregory the Theologian: “These things are mine, O friend of God, I eat; but the food of him is not unholy in his envoys” (Logos 43, 25, PG 36, 532A). With this passage, Gregory expressed his bitterness after his resignation from the throne of the Archbishop of Constantinople. The same passage is found in texts of resignations of hierarchs, such as that of Patriarch Athanasius of Constantinople from his first patriarchate, when on October 16, 1293, embittered and disgusted by the actions of his opponents, he declared in writing to the emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos his resignation from the patriarchal throne (See Joseph Kalothetou, Life of Patriarch Athanasius 29, Syggrammats, p. 492, verses 1285-1287). Philotheos also uses this passage when referring to his removal from the patriarchal throne in November 1354. See Philotheos Kokkinos, Life of Saint Isidore 53, p. 159, verses 37-38.

52. Philotheou Kokkinou, Logos 11, 3, Logoi kai Homilies, Thessaloniki 1981, p. 233, verse 1.

53. See Ibid. 11, 5, p. 237, verse 51 e.

54. On October 21, 1351, a Genoese fleet of sixty galleys arrived at the port of Herakleia, commanded by Admiral Paganino Doria. After disagreements with the inhabitants over the supply of food, the Genoese besieged Herakleia and captured it on October 23. See Chronicle 55 (1, p. 86): “In the month of October, of the fifth indiction, of the year 60, the Genoese fleet arrived, with a fleet of 60. Arriving, they took Herakleia and damaged it.” See, on this subject, P. Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken (Chronik 8), CFHB XII/Ι, vol. 1, Wien 1975, p. 279-280.

55. Kantakouzenos is always characterized with flattering epithets. See, for example, Life of Saint Savvas 74, Hagiologika, p. 305, verses 6-17: “… before all and above all, this (Church) is the avenger and champion, a king with a reputation for wisdom and bravery; who, even before becoming a moderate of the Roman scepters… strongly in favor of the right course of glory… was made a small one by all the ardent enemies… the second apostate was thus smoothly and absently elected, who was of this excellent nature…”. See also ibid. 74, ibid., p. 306, verses 28 f.; ibid. 75-78; ibid., pp. 307- 315; 76, ibid., p. 310, verse 8; ibid. 74, ibid., p. 307, verse 56.

56. See ibid. 74, ibid., pp. 305-307.

57. See. Ibid. 67, Hagiologika, p. 290 f., verses 31 f. and 77 f.; 69, ibid., p. 294, verses 21 f.; 85, ibid., p. 325, verses 15 f. etc. Cf. Gregory Palamas, Prayer to God, Homilies 22 Athens 1861, p. 310: “Reconcile these with one another’s quarrels. Reconcile them with yourself and with one another. May you live the following time in peace and unity…”; Homilies A On peace with one another. Spoken after the third day of the epidemic in Thessaloniki, PG 151, 9A-17C; Philotheos Kokkinos, Speech to Saint Gregory Palamas, 88 AD, Hagiological Works, p. 524 AD.

58. See Life of Saint Savvas 3, ibid., p. 164, verses 26-74.

59. Ibid. 3, verses 43-59. Cf. Philotheos Kokkinos, Speech to Saint Gregory Palamas, 86, Hagiological Works, p. 522 f.; Gregory Palamas, Prayer to God…, ibid., pp. 309-310; Homily 1, PG 151, 12CD and 13D.

60. Philotheou Kokkinou, Life of Saint Savvas 2-3, ibid., pp. 162-166.

61. Ibid. 14, ibid., p. 186, verses 34-36; ibid. 70, ibid., p. 295, verses 16-30; ibid. 54, ibid., p. 265, verses 34-36; ibid. 28, ibid., p. 214 f., verse 22f.

62. See also ibid. 54, ibid., p. 265, verses 34-36.

63. See ibid. 73, Hagiologika, p. 304, verse 66 f. And ibid. 74, ibid., p.305, verse 1 f.

64. For the description of the festive reception, see Philotheos Kokkinos, Speech to Saint Gregory Palamas, 86-88, Hagiological Studies, pp. 522-525.

65. See D. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos (Cantacouzenus) ca 1100-1460. A Genealogical and Prosopographical Study, DOS XI, Washington, DC 1968, pp. 72-73. According to J. Meyendorff, Kantakouzenos captured Thessaloniki in the early 1350s (see Introduction a l' etude de Grigoire Palamas, Paris 1959, p. 138.

66. This is also evident from the vivid description of Palamas' entry into Thessaloniki given by Philotheos (see Speech to Saint Gregory Palamas, 87, Ibid., p. 523 f.

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